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Senator
Feinstein Opposes Medical Malpractice Bill - Feinstein
believes measure she worked out with Sens. Frist and McConnell Washington, DC - U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) today announced her opposition to legislation being considered on the Senate floor that would put severe caps on the amounts that juries could award victms of medical malpractice. Earlier this year, Senator
Feinstein worked with Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-TN) and Senator Mitch
McConnell (R-KY) to develop a compromise on the issue, based largely on
the California medical malpractice law, with a number of modifications.
The most significant provisions of the Feinstein proposal would have:
(i) intended to injure the claimant unrelated to the provision of health care, or (ii) understood the claimant was substantially certain to suffer unnecessary injury, and in providing or failing to provide health care services, the defendant deliberately failed to avoid such injury, or (iii) acted with a conscious, flagrant disregard of a substantial and unjustifiable risk of unnecessary injury which the defendant failed to avoid, or (iv) acted with a conscious,
flagrant disregard of acceptable medical practice in such circumstances. Senator Feinstein continues
to believe that her proposal could serve as the basis for a bipartisan
compromise. The American Medical Association and the California Medical
Association, however, have rejected the Feinstein proposal and because
of this opposition, Senator Feinstein is not proposing an amendment at
this time. The following is the prepared text of Senator Feinstein's statement:
"I have followed the issue of rising medical malpractice premiums for many decades. It has been a persistent and growing problem in many states. For California, the issue reached a critical stage 28 years ago and resulted in the enactment of a reform bill known as the Medical Injury Compensation Reform Act, or MICRA. MICRA set the precedent for
reform measures in several states which followed with their own reform
measures in the ensuing years. The Senate bill before us now, which is
nearly identical to the House-passed legislation, is not one that I can
support. This bill sets a national cap of $250,000 for noneconomic
damages in medical malpractice suits. This cap applies not only to suits
against doctors, but to suits against HMOs, nursing homes, and medical
product manufacturers. Moreover, this cap would apply even for extraordinary
cases like that of Jessica Santillan, a 17 year-old who died after doctors
mistakenly transplanted the wrong kidneys into her body. So, under this bill, suits
against drug and device manufacturers like the makers of the weight loss
drug Phen-Fen, the Dalkon shield contraceptive device, faulty heart valves,
and other products that have caused innocent deaths would be limited to
$250,000 in noneconomic damages. Secondly, this legislation
severely limits the availability of punitive damages not only for doctors
but also for manufacturers. In general, punitive damages are capped at
the greater of $250,000 or twice economic damages. The bill also wipes
out punitive damages in several different types of lawsuits against medical
product manufacturers. It would immunize the manufacturer or seller of
drugs from punitive damages for any packaging or labeling defects on their
products. So, presumably, if a drug package label had mistakenly directed
a patient to take 10 pills a day instead of one, a patient could not sue
for punitive damages - regardless of the harm caused or the basis for
the mistaken directions. It would also limit the availability of punitive damages against any manufacturer or distributor of medical products if the product complies with FDA regulations. Such an exemption could apply to products like the Bjork-Shiley artificial heart valve which originally received FDA approval. These valves broke in an estimated 619 patients leading to hundreds of deaths. I believe this FDA-exemption sets a downward course. If a company has an FDA-approved product on the market and then learns of dangerous complications, it must remove the product from the marketplace immediately. To provide an exemption if the product has FDA approval may very well be a disincentive to prompt removal from the shelf. While I cannot support this
proposal, there are, however, proposals for which I could support, because
I do believe rising insurance premiums are creating a crisis in access
to care. Consider this:
Not only are insurance premiums
skyrocketing in some states, but insurers are leaving the market. There
were 14 companies underwriting liability in Mississippi; today there is
but one willing to write new policies. Texas had 17 insurance carriers;
today it has four. While I oppose the bill before us today, Congress can
and, I believe, should provide legislative relief. I believe that California's
MICRA bill provides a model. I have spent a number of months reviewing
MICRA to see what could be transferred to the national level. And I believe
that reasonable caps on liability can lead to affordable premiums. At the time MICRA was enacted in 1975, the cost of health insurance in California was higher than in any other market except New York City. In the six years before 1975, the number of malpractice suits filed per 100 physicians in California more than doubled. MICRA has kept costs down. In 1975, California's doctors paid 20% of the gross costs of all malpractice insurance premiums in the country. Californian doctors now pay just 11% of the nation's total malpractice insurance premiums. California's premiums grew 167% over the past 25 years, compared to 505% in all other states. In other words, premiums grew three times slower in California than in other states. Because of MICRA, patients
get their money faster. Cases settle 23% faster in California than in
states without caps on noneconomic damages. MICRA allows patients to obtain
health care costs, recover for loss of income, and receive the funds they
need to be rehabilitated. California's malpractice premiums are now one-third
to one-half lower on average than those in Florida or New York. Because
California law has proven successful at keeping premiums down, I used
the law as a departure point for crafting a proposal which I believe is
both just and fair and which I believe should stabilize and, over time,
reduce premium costs. I personally appreciate the
efforts of Senator Frist and Senator McConnell to work with me to explore
this option. Specifically, a fair proposal would:
But, my proposal differs from
California law in two key areas: (1) noneconomic damages, and (2) punitive
damages. The California MICRA law has a $250,000 cap on noneconomic damages.
In contrast, I would propose a $500,000 general cap on noneconomic damages.
In catastrophic cases, where a victim of malpractice was subject to severe
disfigurement, severe disability or death, the cap would be the greater
of $2,000,000 or $50,000 time the number of years of life expectancy of
the victim. This is in line with many state caps:
This clearly shows that a $500,000 cap for non-economic damages is well within the mainstream of states. In addition, the proposal
has a less onerous punitive damages standard than California law. California
law would require a plaintiff to prove punitive damages under the very
high standard of fraud, oppression, or malice. Under this standard, I
am not aware of a single case where a plaintiff has obtained punitive
damages in California over the past 10 years. Instead, I would offer a four-part test where a plaintiff would have to show by clear and convincing evidence that the defendant: (i) intended to injure the
claimant unrelated to the provision of health care, or (ii) understood the claimant
was substantially certain to suffer unnecessary injury, and in providing
or failing to provide health care services, the defendant deliberately
failed to avoid such injury, or (iii) acted with a conscious,
flagrant disregard of a substantial and unjustifiable risk of unnecessary
injury which the defendant failed to avoid, or (iv) acted with a conscious,
flagrant disregard of acceptable medical practice in such circumstances.
I firmly believe that a variant of this type of proposal could lead to a compromise in the Senate. But, the American Medical Association
and California Medical Association both flatly rejected this proposal. They refuse to move from a
cap of $250,000 for noneconomic damages even in catastrophic cases. To
me, this makes little sense because a $250,000 cap in 1975, adjusted for
inflation, was worth $839,000 in 2002. If $250,000 was adequate in 1975,
why wouldn't a figure of $500,000 - which is lower than the cap adjusted
for inflation - be acceptable in 2003. If a victim receives $250,000 today,
it is the equivalent of $40,000 in 1975. There are many specific instances
of why a $250,000 noneconomic damage, especially today, remains too low.
Let me share one such case. Linda McDougal, 46, a Navy veteran, accountant, and mother, was diagnosed with an aggressive form of cancer and underwent a double mastectomy. Two days later, she was told that a mistake was made, she didn't have cancer, and that the amputation of her breasts was not necessary. A pathologist had mistakenly switched her test results with another woman who had cancer. So, a cap on noneconomic damages
must take into account severe morbidity produced by a physician's mistake,
such as amputating the wrong limb or transfusing a patient with the wrong
type of blood. Unfortunately, because of the opposition of both the AMA
and CMA, I am not proposing an amendment at this time. My purpose was
to help physicians and patients and I deeply believe that a $500,000 noneconomic
damage cap coupled with a catastrophic exception would accomplish this.
We also would allow a State law to prevail. So, the California MICRA law,
or any other State law, would prevail - regardless of whether it is retroactive
or prospective. Unfortunately, I could not get 60 votes for this proposal with the opposition of physicians - so the result may well be a stalemate because I do not believe the House bill can pass the Senate in its present form. I remain a supporter of malpractice insurance reform. If at any time there would be physician support, I believe the necessary 60 votes could be generated. In conclusion, I will vote against this bill, but stand ready to participate in a solution along the lines I have mentioned." ### |